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ВОСААКО, г. т. Вооmgaard. И?rger. |ВОКNEN, w. a. Викken. Se bai/ir, /. jieu planté d'arbre; fruitiers. Еen kerifenbogaard. zie ander Кerfle. — Еen appelbogaard. onder de welckc waeren pen, ende voorftaender van d'armen, ЬЬ,г. Roger ius Com wer Minderbroeder, liâmes Ну ft i tri r Avignon op den 12 van Sep' ¡„r. sm'g/'riüige lnrfnhrríxírlrrfg M'le:Ier großem Á'lraßb-rger I „м,— Je.;- Лепта- und r.f/ebnfen eme/feinen (amen. дни „мим die индий-Маты Grundlage» едва-г. Вйгgbr-Siu» seyn. г. Seinewßeehtlielikeit ‚ iiiûhtì nner-' kennen, heifst dì\her,​_movilines.co als.«B»iirger anerkennen.Y ' Hierauf beruht das jedemrßü-rger. и ни г А. х г— ^-\ -ы - -л y - R1С НА R movilines.co v. Вошrdeaux, Philippe v. Clarence А г Roger Моrtimer, Edmund, Johann НЕ INR ТСН. Vу. Моnmouth, geb. Тhomas.

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Вйгgbr-Siu» seyn. г. Seinewßeehtlielikeit ‚ iiiûhtì nner-' kennen, heifst dì\her,​_movilines.co als.«B»iirger anerkennen.Y ' Hierauf beruht das jedemrßü-rger. an die ernsten, Г¶ffentlichen-bedeutsamen Sujets behandelnd, hat nach den hat zu unserer Seite angeschaut und mit dem Г„rger hat gesagt: "¤ѕС'=С–. Раrif - г f. ariГ. |Joh. Аіь.: Вепgelii Gregorii Thaumaturgi panegyricus и 3 | *йынgrger | 29 |—| } |Каьь. Вепjamin, Nacbaler, Chiddafch Barmetzia.

Maybe I can do this between High School and University. I was there myself last week. Yeah, you go down here about three hundred meters, then turn left behind the church.

Then, after another three hundred meters, you will come to a square, a very beautiful square. You cross it, carry on and then turn right.

You really can't miss it. Then it is the second street to the left, and there you can see it. It is yellow, or yellowish.

Both selection and arrangement of the landmarks follow certain principles, which we will not discuss here cf.

Klein In any event, the backbone is completed by additional information underlined in the text above. Had the driving of L. On the other hand, Mrs.

The propositions themselves are of somewhat different nature. Some concern the matters of the case at issue and hence normally to some real happening in the past, which in turn may consist of a complex of subevents.

Others concern attitudes and evaluations of the people involved; these attitudes may also be relevant for the verdict was the behavior intentional or just careless?

Which motives are involved? Nevertheless, most utterances in an opinion can be easily assigned either for foreground or to background see Katzenberger for an analysis of expository texts.

Let us briefly sum up at this point. But this presupposition is not sufficient. Someone's childhood, for example, also consists of temporally ordered events and the corresponding feelings and experiences.

But a question such as What do you remember from your early childhood? Thus, Charles opened the door. At the same time, the phone started ringing are clearly narrative clauses which belong to the narrative sequence; but the corresponding events do not follow each other, and hence, the utterance violates the Labovian criterion.

It is far from being trivial to adapt the definition accordingly, because a more liberal definition which would also admit simultaneous events immediately runs into trouble with typical background-foreground sequences such as We were sitting in the office.

The telephone started ringing. In other words: Two utterances which express totally or partly simultaneous events, may both belong to the foreground, or one may belong to the background, the other to the foreground.

They may also both belong to the background, obviously. These possibilities are regularly distinguished by different forms, such as different aspect marking, but this indicates the difference and can't be the base of the definition.

Similarly, a route direction and a sightseeing description of the same spatial area have different text structure, although they draw on the same stored spatial information: they foreground and background different components of the same GV.

But even if there is an explicit question, then it may be relatively unspecific, and the QUAESTIO at issue results both from what is explicitly asked, on the one hand, and additional contextual constraints, on the other.

The function of a question in relation to a text is in principle not different from the function of a normal question in relation of an appropriate answer on utterance level.

A sentence such as 1 Peter went to Berlin yesterday. After each of these questions, 1 decides on an alternative at issue the term alternative taken in a broad sense: it may comprise more than two candidates.

What is different, is the alternative which has to be, and actually is, decided on. The terms TOPIC and FOCUS, as used here, refer to components of the entire information expressed by some utterance, rather than to the words or constituents which express this information.

Obviously, the TOPIC expression in the answer is redundant here, and in fact, it could have been omitted. In 2 e , the alternative at issue is between several possible happenings at some relevant occasion6 and all we know about these happenings is that they are in the past due to the tense morpheme of happened.

This component of the TOPIC, namely being in the past, is expressed again in the answer, but there is no independent TOPIC expression in the answer, unless one counts the inflection of went as such.

We shall return to this problem in section 3. In all of these examples, the TOPIC of the utterance is explicitly raised by a general context, or its expression may be totally left to the utterance itself.

If there is a contextually given TOPIC, then these means must be used in accordance with this contextual requirement, of course; otherwise, the utterance is contextually inappropriate.

Each single referent is taken from the underlying GV, and the QUAESTIO imposes restrictions on the possible referents and their arrangements: it narrows down the set of candidates which are admissable for specification within an utterance, and it restricts the way in which this specification of referents may proceed from one utterance to the next.

For narrative texts, these conditions may be roughly stated as follows. The time interval of the first event is explicitly introduced unless contextually given ; all subsequent ones follow chronologically, i.

Thus, a question such as What happened? If your friend comes to your room, pale, trembling and covered with sweat, the question What happened?

Thus, the primary restriction on the events is the definite time interval, although other restrictions are, of course, not excluded.

Both FC and TC may be violated by an utterance. Let us consider some examples of such side structures. An utterance or a clause may serve to specify a time interval in explicit terms, rather than have it simply given by TC.

Most often, subordinate temporal clauses serve exactly this function, and this is the reason why they contribute to the background: They answer the question When did hevent a happen?

Other utterances don't violate TC, but they do not specify an event, as required by FC. There may be some argument here as to what counts as a singular event; for example, an utterance such as The sky was all red is normally interpreted as describing a state; but it may be used to refer to an event, as in Suddenly, the sky was all red.

But neither ambiguities of this kind nor semantic problems of how to define events in contrast to states, processes, etc.

Still other utterances may violate both conditions, for example generic statements inserted at some point in the narrative, such as Well, that's how life is or There is always someone who wants to object.

Q1, Q2, The full sentence Nous etions a letude quand le proviseur entra This is a special case, however, in that this whole sentence introduces the story.

Note that our formulation of TC is such that Nous etions a l'etude would not violate TC, since it refers to the first time interval.

What happened to you at ti? But in Peter rang. Then, he rang again, two subsequent events are described by the same information.

So far, we have dealt with the first two inadequacies of the foreground-background distinction, suggested a more general approach, which seems to overcome these insufficiencies, and illustrated it for narratives.

But they have consequences for the expression, too: They indirectly restrict the choice of linguistic devices. The nature of these latter restrictions depends on the specific language and the linguistic means which it offers for expression.

We shall illustrate this again for narrative texts. In section 5 below, it will then be discussed how learners approach the particular system.

Consider another somewhat less straightforward example. Suppose a language has no syntactically determined constituent order but the constituent or constituents which corresponds to the TOPIC comes first, the one or ones which correspond to the FOCUS comes 8 There are cases, though, in which a negated verb can be interpreted to denote an event, in the sense of FC.

If Latin were such a language, then the answer to the question Quis cantat? Conditions such as FC and TC cannot outweigh obligatory syntactic rules, but they can use the options left by these rules.

Whatever survives this process of selection, the speaker must in any event transfer a complex set of information into a linear sequence of utterances linearization.

How straightforward this linearization is, depends on the nature of the information. In the case of narrative texts, the relevant units are sub-events of a total event, and those sub-events are ordered along the time axis.

Linearization is much more problematic when the underlying GV, as in the case of route directions, apartment descriptions, etc.

A convenient way to solve this problem is the introduction of an ancillary temporal structure. In route directions, this ancillary structure is an imaginary wandering Klein , that is, a sequence of possible actions of a participant for example, of the person who asks for route directions ; these actions can be chronologically ordered and thus constitute a projection principle which allows the speaker to solve the linearization problem.

This technique presupposes that such a temporalization makes sense. The use of an ancillary temporal structure is virtually impossible in the case of essentially logical texts, such as an argumentation or an opinion as it was discussed in 2.

There is no uniform principle of how linearization is achieved in these cases, although in practice, there are a number of guide-lines see for argumentation Klein , for linearization in general, Levelt How this is done in different types of texts, is a matter of empirical research.

Referential movement The point of a text is the fact that the entire amount of information to be expressed is distributed over a series of utterances, rather than being patched into a single one.

This distribution is not done at random, but is governed by several principles which impose a certain structure on the text.

Let B be the utterance in question, A the preceding one; as a special case, A should also include the empty utterance, such that B is the first utterance of the text.

Then, the TOPIC condition TC states that, in the case of narratives, a B must include a reference to a time interval tj in the real time axis; b this time interval tj must be after the time interval ti referred to in A although not necessarily adjacent to that time interval ; c this time reference may be implicit; but if it is implicit, it must not be marked as contributing to the FOCUS of B.

A more interesting case are prayers or magic formula whose underlying organisational principles are largely unknown. We simply do not know why, in a love magic, the utterances must be ordered in a certain way to achieve the intended effect.

Moreover, the general idea of information distribution over the utterances normally requires B to contain some new information with respect to A: B must achieve some progress, compared to the state reached after A.

Firstly, they prescribe or exclude specific contents in some domains of reference, for example temporal reference in this case; other domains of reference, such as reference to place or to persons involved are not constrained, although this may be different in other text types than narratives.

In what follows, we will first have a look at the various domains which may be afffected by these constraints section 3.

Then the utterance 3 She drove against the signpost. The speaker has selected particular bits of information among the many he could refer to in his utterance.

The listener will know some but surely not all of bits of information which are not made explicit. For example, he may know from previous utterances what the place of the whole event is and that she refers to an elderly lady; similarly, he may infer from the whole context that she was driving a limousine, rather than a bulldozer.

First, there is contextual information which is directly linked to contextdependent verbal elements in the utterance, such as deixis, anaphora, ellipsis.

The interpretation of an utterance such as Me, too is based on knowledge of the meaning of deictic words and the rules of ellipsis in English, on the one hand, and on access to the necessary contextual information, on the other roughly, the listener must be able to identify who is speaking, and must have heard the previous utterance.

In these cases, we will talk of structure-based or regular context-dependency. The integration of linguistic information proper and of what can be derived by structure-based context-dependency provides the listener with a first interpretation, which we will call proposition.

Therefore, inference is less accessible to linguistic analysis than structure-based contextdependency; but it is no less important for text organisation and more specifically, for referential movement.

Consider a sequence of two utterances such as 4 Yesterday, I went to Heidelberg. My parents-in-law celebrated their silver wedding.

The second utterance contains no spatial reference at all. Still, we tend to infer that this wedding party is in Heidelberg: the spatial reference, taken from the FOCUS of the previous utterance, is maintained.

This inference is not certain the second utterance could continue In what follows, however, we shall not be particularly concerned with those processes which lead from the proposition to the utterance interpretation since they are more on a cognitive than on a linguistic level.

Whenever necessary, we will briefly say by inference. So, we will be mainly concerned with the transition from proposition to proposition.

Consider, for example, the proposition which is expressed when 5 is uttered in some context: 5 Yesterday, the Hammelwades left for Heidelberg.

We have avoided this terminology, especially the term sentence meaning, since we also want to include the meaning of utterances such as Me, too or She him or Why four?

Not all utterances express specific events. They may also render specific states as Yesterday, the Hammelwades were in Heidelberg , property assignments The Hammelwades are sweet , generic or habitual events During the winter, the Hammelwades live in Heidelberg , and maybe others.

To account for this, we need two refinements. First, we will replace the referential domain activity by the more general predicate which will also include property assignments, states, processes etc.

Second, we shall assume that an utterance also contains a reference to a modality; roughly speaking, it is somehow related to a real, a fictitious, a hypothetical world.

Admittedly, this is simply a way to circumvent a whole range of complicated problems, but it will do for our present purposes.

This leaves us with five, rather than four, referential domains: 1. Rt: temporal intervals or times 2. Re: places 3. Rp: participants 4.

Ra: predicates of various types 5. Rm: modality real, fictitious etc. An utterance integrates information from these domains into a proposition.

Note, however, that not all domains must be represented in each utterance. On the other hand, information from one domain may show up several times in either the same or different functions; cf.

Moreover, reference to time, to place, to circumstances may be conflated in one concept, as in On many occasions, there was dancing, to mention but a few of the complications.

In what follows, we shall first sketch a sort of basic structure and then come back to some complications.

Traditionally, it is often assumed that reference to a participant P from Rp often encoded by the grammatical subject and reference to a predicate A from Ra often encoded by the grammatical predicate constitute something like the inner core of a proposition, which is then further characterized by a time T and a space L; the resulting structure, the outer core, is then related M to some real or fictitious world.

We will adopt here this conventional picture, arguable as it may be. A mathematical theorem, for example, does not have a time or a place to be referred to; so, its basic structure is reduced by at least two of the components in I.

This is not to be confused with a basic structure in which some domain is not explicitly referred to, although the Sachverhalt itself as such would allow such a reference.

Compare again the propositions expressed by the utterances It was raining and There was dancing. Note that I relates to the way in which the underlying proposition is organized, not to the way in which the utterance is constructed.

The way in which time, place, participant etc. It may also be that the expression which has this function is very complex and uses features from some other referential domain.

For example, reference to the participant may use spatial or temporal information, as in The man at the corner or Poets from the 19th century.

We will return to this point in a moment. A most elementary realisation of a basic structure like I would look like 6 There and then, she did such and such.

In this case, the linguistic meaning contributes hardly anything to expression of the proposition.

This does not mean that the proposition itself is poor in content; rather, most of what the listener can know about it stems from structure-based context-dependency.

Normally, the linguistic contribution is richer, of course, and we shall return to this issue in section 3. This specification may be introduced in this utterance for the first time, or it may be maintained from a preceding utterance.

It is a simplification, however, to talk just about introduction and maintenance of reference. In what follows, we will give a somewhat refined typology of referential movement.

First, we must distinguish as to whether a certain referential domain, say Rp, was specified in the preceding utterance or not. In the former case, we will talk of continuation, in the latter, of introduction; note, that continuation does not necessarily involve identity of a referent: it just means that the domain in question, for example Rl, was specified before, no matter how.

The latter case we will call onset, the former entry; in actual texts, this distinction is of minor importance, however.

Consider now the various possibilities of continuation. There is again an important distinction between what we call linkage and switch.

In the former case, the specification is related to the content of the previous specification, although this relation need not be identity; in the latter, there is a change of specification without referring back, or using the previous specification.

There are at least three types of linkage. First, the referent specified may be indeed identical; this is the pure case of maintenance; note, again, that this term refers to maintenance of a referent, not of an expression.

Next, it may be that there is an anaphoric linkage, but still, a new referent is introduced; we shall call this type tie. Such a tie may be expressed by words such as thereafter or then in sequences such as He closed the door.

Then, he opened it again, where then means something like at a time tj after the time ti referred to before. Third, there may also be a more vague connection which we will call association; it shows up in cases where, for example, a mountain is introduced and the second utterance refers to the valley or the summit.

Linguistically, this type of linkage is hard to grasp; but its importance for referential movement and for text structure in general is obvious.

A switch, finally, is in a sense comparable to an introduction, except that the position in question was specified before. Therefore, a switch often has a contrastive function.

Thus, in a sequence such as It was strange. Peter cleaned the dishes, the reference to the participant Peter is an introduction more precisely, an entry , whereas in Mary slept.

Peter cleaned the dishes, it is a switch. Let us sum up this typology in a diagram: particular text, or they do show up but are rare or not particularly relevant for the purpose of the investigation.

Therefore, most of the concrete empirical work done in the present framework uses a somewhat simplified version; see, for example, the discussion in v.

Stutterheim chapter 3. In a fairly abstract utterance such as 5 , the various referential domains are neatly separated, that is, there is one expression she for reference to the participant, one expression for reference to the place there , etc.

But in this case, the domain-specific expressions have virtually no descriptive content, and hence, the sentence is somewhat odd.

The lexical meaning of there, for example, makes clear that the referent is a place, and if this reference is understood indeed, then this is only due to the fact that the place in question was referred to before.

Normally, successful reference needs much more descriptive information. This information is provided by words with a richer lexical content or by syntactically compound expressions, or both.

Then, however, the relation between expressions and features expressed becomes much less straightforward than in 5.

This has many consequences for referential movement, three of which will be discussed in the sequel. First, it is one word, in contrast to syntactically compound spatial expressions, such as at the castle, in front of the house or between here and there.

Second, it contains only spatial features, in contrast to for example a 21 verb such as to come, which contains spatial, but also temporal features.

Such a clustering of features also appears in syntactically compound expressions, and this fact often constitutes a problem for referential movement.

An expression such as at the castle is syntactically compound, but homogeneous: it refers to a place.

This reference may fill the appropriate position of the basic structure. In this combination, at the castle, while still being a reference to a place, cannot fill the place coordinate of a basic structure, and hence cannot be maintained as the place reference of some subsequent proposition, for example by the use of anaphoric there: 7 The man at the castle was better informed than our travel guide.

In this example, there is appropriate only if it is clear from some other contextual information that the locus of the whole action is at the castle, but not as direct anaphoric maintenance from the first of the two utterances.

It is not true, however, that anaphoric linkage could not cross the referential positions of the basic structure.

Consider an example where a place reference functions as a part of the predicate reference, as in the compound predicate being at the castle: 8 We were at the castle.

Here, anaphoric linkage is clearly possible, or, to put it slightly differently, the place introduced in the first utterance, where it is part of the predicate, is accessible to anaphoric maintenance within the basic structure.

This is quite typical for compound predicates. It is difficult to say what is responsible for these differences in accessibility as exemplified by 7 and 8.

The type of compoundness is one factor, but clearly not the only one. Moreover, accessibility to anaphoric maintenance often correlates with accessibility to other semantic processes, such as the possibility of being marked as TOPIC or modifiability by an adverb, to which we will turn now.

Time and participant are the same, and the grammatical predicate refers to the same action; but in the second case, some of the semantic features implicitly contained in crowned him are singled out and referred to explicitly.

This singling out of two components makes them accessible to anaphoric processes. Thus, 10 but not 9 allows the continuation: 22 11 It looked splendid there.

Thus, it cannot be used to answer the question Where did Leo put the crown? Thirdly, when features are encapsulated in a single lexical item, they offer limited access to further modification.

Thus, the crowned from 9 implies a crown, as is evidenced by the possible continuation The crown was splendid with a definite article. But this implicit crown cannot be further specified so long as it is only implicit.

This is not to mean that no feature within crowned is accessible; adverbials, such as rapidly, may easily address temporal characteristics of the predicate.

There is a third, in a sense complementary, problem with maintaining reference. If several features are available for anaphoric maintenance, which among them are picked up and maintained by a specific anaphoric devices?

We will briefly discuss this bundling of features. An anaphoric term may pick out some referent in a selective way, such as there for place, they for the participant, etc.

But there are also anaphoric terms which bundle various types of information, for example this.

Consider the following four possible continuations: 13 a We may do this, as well. We thought they had already left last week. In all of these cases, this picks up a different bundle of features among those which were introduced before.

Thus, it is quite unselective with respect to referential movement: this maintains the central feature, or features, of a proposition, which are contained in the predicate, and an arbitrary share of peripheral features, namely all of those components of the basic structure which are not freshly specified.

A brief summary Before turning to learner varieties, it may be useful to sum up in brief what has been said in the preceding sections.

In the next section, we will exemplify and discuss some of the probems which a learner has to solve when acquiring the complex mapping characteristic of the language to be learned.

Narrating and describing in L2 In essence, what has been said far about the principles of text organisation applies to adult second language speakers much in the same way as for native speakers.

Confronted with a communicative task as telling a narrative, giving route directions or describing a picture, the L2 speaker must solve the same conceptual task in terms of selecting the relevant parts of her knowledge base, structuring, and linearising a complex body of information.

The constructive function of the QUAESTIO and the constraints implied for the production of the answer text can be taken as pragmatic knowledge which an adult speaker of any language has at her disposal and which is not tied to specific linguistic means.

Differences between the two groups of speakers, however, arise when it comes to the linguistic devices available to the speaker.

Here the L2 speaker can be far more restricted and she can even be forced to adjust her communicative intentions to her linguistic repertoire.

As the worst consequence this might result in the fact that in a conversation a question posed by the interlocutor cannot be answered at all.

In the given context we want to look at the relation between linguistic competence and complex text production for learners with very limited command of a second language.

How is it possible that these learners are able to communicate information about complex states of affairs in the form of narratives or descriptions?

More specifically, what is the role of the quaestio and its implications in the text production of L2 speakers and how is the selection of specific expressive devices guided by the structural properties of the texts?

In order to identify the function of the QUAESTIO constraints in text production we will look at learner texts of two different types: narratives and descriptions.

The data are selected from a larger corpus elicited from Turkish migrant workers in Germany. They had been living in Germany for several years and had acquired German without the support of classroom teaching.

The texts were recorded within the frame of an unguided conversation between the informant, a German interlocutor and in some cases also a Turkish bilingual student cf.

Stutterheim They are produced as answers to an information question rather than to entertain a hearer. In the analysis below we will first sketch the constraints set up by the quaestio for the different domains involved.

Then the text will be analysed with respect to the patterns of referential movement and the relation between explicit and implicit information components.

You are new one week 25 kann ich nicht I cannot 26 keine urlaub 25 no holiday 27 krankgeschrieben geht nicht sick leave not possible 28 und ich and I 29 naja gibse mir meine papiere alle alle okay give me my papers all all 30 und ich gehen kindergarten and I go nursery 31 und 2 tage das ist windpocken and 2 days this is chicken pocks The introductory question of the interlocutor points at a general problem: What happens when your child falls ill?

The speaker gives a brief general answer and then turns to narrating a personal experience to illustrate the situation The shift from a general statement to a narration becomes apparent through the introduction of a specific temporal interval by erstemal at first.

The constraints which can be taken as a scaffold for the construction of the text affect the following domains. The speaker and her child function as topic elements, a specific time interval is introduced although not referentially fixed as the beginning of a sequence of temporally linked intervals, the predicate domain has to be filled by references to events, the validity status of main structure utterances is factual.

Utterances which form the structural backbone of the text will obey these constraints. Let us now look in detail at the construction of the text and the means used to convey the complex information structure.

The speaker begins with a scene setting passage in which she specifies that part of the question which refers to working conditions. By the temporal adverbial erstemal at first she establishes a particular time interval which serves the function to delimit the proposition as individually located in time from the preceding hypothetical propositions.

Reference to the working place and the durative predicate arbeiten to work leads to a static interpretation.

Utterance 11 in itself is not clear as to its function within the narrative. However, followed by the temporal adverbial letztes Tage last day in 12 its function becomes apparent.

It serves as a temporal reference anchoring the beginning of the event chain. Given the telic predicate anrufen in combination with a specific time reference the utterance will be interpreted as referring to a singular event.

The event line is continued implicitly by an event of direct speech, furtheron in 21 and It is taken up in by a not explicitly introduced sequence of direct speech, continued in 28 and finally in 30 and Wenn ich allein bin, spiele ich Computerspiele, sehe fern oder lade meine eigenen Videos auf Youtube hoch.

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Rt: temporal intervals or times 2. Re: places 3. Rp: participants 4. Ra: predicates of various types 5.

Rm: modality real, fictitious etc. An utterance integrates information from these domains into a proposition. Note, however, that not all domains must be represented in each utterance.

On the other hand, information from one domain may show up several times in either the same or different functions; cf. Moreover, reference to time, to place, to circumstances may be conflated in one concept, as in On many occasions, there was dancing, to mention but a few of the complications.

In what follows, we shall first sketch a sort of basic structure and then come back to some complications.

Traditionally, it is often assumed that reference to a participant P from Rp often encoded by the grammatical subject and reference to a predicate A from Ra often encoded by the grammatical predicate constitute something like the inner core of a proposition, which is then further characterized by a time T and a space L; the resulting structure, the outer core, is then related M to some real or fictitious world.

We will adopt here this conventional picture, arguable as it may be. A mathematical theorem, for example, does not have a time or a place to be referred to; so, its basic structure is reduced by at least two of the components in I.

This is not to be confused with a basic structure in which some domain is not explicitly referred to, although the Sachverhalt itself as such would allow such a reference.

Compare again the propositions expressed by the utterances It was raining and There was dancing. Note that I relates to the way in which the underlying proposition is organized, not to the way in which the utterance is constructed.

The way in which time, place, participant etc. It may also be that the expression which has this function is very complex and uses features from some other referential domain.

For example, reference to the participant may use spatial or temporal information, as in The man at the corner or Poets from the 19th century.

We will return to this point in a moment. A most elementary realisation of a basic structure like I would look like 6 There and then, she did such and such.

In this case, the linguistic meaning contributes hardly anything to expression of the proposition. This does not mean that the proposition itself is poor in content; rather, most of what the listener can know about it stems from structure-based context-dependency.

Normally, the linguistic contribution is richer, of course, and we shall return to this issue in section 3. This specification may be introduced in this utterance for the first time, or it may be maintained from a preceding utterance.

It is a simplification, however, to talk just about introduction and maintenance of reference.

In what follows, we will give a somewhat refined typology of referential movement. First, we must distinguish as to whether a certain referential domain, say Rp, was specified in the preceding utterance or not.

In the former case, we will talk of continuation, in the latter, of introduction; note, that continuation does not necessarily involve identity of a referent: it just means that the domain in question, for example Rl, was specified before, no matter how.

The latter case we will call onset, the former entry; in actual texts, this distinction is of minor importance, however.

Consider now the various possibilities of continuation. There is again an important distinction between what we call linkage and switch.

In the former case, the specification is related to the content of the previous specification, although this relation need not be identity; in the latter, there is a change of specification without referring back, or using the previous specification.

There are at least three types of linkage. First, the referent specified may be indeed identical; this is the pure case of maintenance; note, again, that this term refers to maintenance of a referent, not of an expression.

Next, it may be that there is an anaphoric linkage, but still, a new referent is introduced; we shall call this type tie. Such a tie may be expressed by words such as thereafter or then in sequences such as He closed the door.

Then, he opened it again, where then means something like at a time tj after the time ti referred to before.

Third, there may also be a more vague connection which we will call association; it shows up in cases where, for example, a mountain is introduced and the second utterance refers to the valley or the summit.

Linguistically, this type of linkage is hard to grasp; but its importance for referential movement and for text structure in general is obvious.

A switch, finally, is in a sense comparable to an introduction, except that the position in question was specified before.

Therefore, a switch often has a contrastive function. Thus, in a sequence such as It was strange. Peter cleaned the dishes, the reference to the participant Peter is an introduction more precisely, an entry , whereas in Mary slept.

Peter cleaned the dishes, it is a switch. Let us sum up this typology in a diagram: particular text, or they do show up but are rare or not particularly relevant for the purpose of the investigation.

Therefore, most of the concrete empirical work done in the present framework uses a somewhat simplified version; see, for example, the discussion in v.

Stutterheim chapter 3. In a fairly abstract utterance such as 5 , the various referential domains are neatly separated, that is, there is one expression she for reference to the participant, one expression for reference to the place there , etc.

But in this case, the domain-specific expressions have virtually no descriptive content, and hence, the sentence is somewhat odd.

The lexical meaning of there, for example, makes clear that the referent is a place, and if this reference is understood indeed, then this is only due to the fact that the place in question was referred to before.

Normally, successful reference needs much more descriptive information. This information is provided by words with a richer lexical content or by syntactically compound expressions, or both.

Then, however, the relation between expressions and features expressed becomes much less straightforward than in 5.

This has many consequences for referential movement, three of which will be discussed in the sequel. First, it is one word, in contrast to syntactically compound spatial expressions, such as at the castle, in front of the house or between here and there.

Second, it contains only spatial features, in contrast to for example a 21 verb such as to come, which contains spatial, but also temporal features.

Such a clustering of features also appears in syntactically compound expressions, and this fact often constitutes a problem for referential movement.

An expression such as at the castle is syntactically compound, but homogeneous: it refers to a place. This reference may fill the appropriate position of the basic structure.

In this combination, at the castle, while still being a reference to a place, cannot fill the place coordinate of a basic structure, and hence cannot be maintained as the place reference of some subsequent proposition, for example by the use of anaphoric there: 7 The man at the castle was better informed than our travel guide.

In this example, there is appropriate only if it is clear from some other contextual information that the locus of the whole action is at the castle, but not as direct anaphoric maintenance from the first of the two utterances.

It is not true, however, that anaphoric linkage could not cross the referential positions of the basic structure. Consider an example where a place reference functions as a part of the predicate reference, as in the compound predicate being at the castle: 8 We were at the castle.

Here, anaphoric linkage is clearly possible, or, to put it slightly differently, the place introduced in the first utterance, where it is part of the predicate, is accessible to anaphoric maintenance within the basic structure.

This is quite typical for compound predicates. It is difficult to say what is responsible for these differences in accessibility as exemplified by 7 and 8.

The type of compoundness is one factor, but clearly not the only one. Moreover, accessibility to anaphoric maintenance often correlates with accessibility to other semantic processes, such as the possibility of being marked as TOPIC or modifiability by an adverb, to which we will turn now.

Time and participant are the same, and the grammatical predicate refers to the same action; but in the second case, some of the semantic features implicitly contained in crowned him are singled out and referred to explicitly.

This singling out of two components makes them accessible to anaphoric processes. Thus, 10 but not 9 allows the continuation: 22 11 It looked splendid there.

Thus, it cannot be used to answer the question Where did Leo put the crown? Thirdly, when features are encapsulated in a single lexical item, they offer limited access to further modification.

Thus, the crowned from 9 implies a crown, as is evidenced by the possible continuation The crown was splendid with a definite article.

But this implicit crown cannot be further specified so long as it is only implicit. This is not to mean that no feature within crowned is accessible; adverbials, such as rapidly, may easily address temporal characteristics of the predicate.

There is a third, in a sense complementary, problem with maintaining reference. If several features are available for anaphoric maintenance, which among them are picked up and maintained by a specific anaphoric devices?

We will briefly discuss this bundling of features. An anaphoric term may pick out some referent in a selective way, such as there for place, they for the participant, etc.

But there are also anaphoric terms which bundle various types of information, for example this. Consider the following four possible continuations: 13 a We may do this, as well.

We thought they had already left last week. In all of these cases, this picks up a different bundle of features among those which were introduced before.

Thus, it is quite unselective with respect to referential movement: this maintains the central feature, or features, of a proposition, which are contained in the predicate, and an arbitrary share of peripheral features, namely all of those components of the basic structure which are not freshly specified.

A brief summary Before turning to learner varieties, it may be useful to sum up in brief what has been said in the preceding sections. In the next section, we will exemplify and discuss some of the probems which a learner has to solve when acquiring the complex mapping characteristic of the language to be learned.

Narrating and describing in L2 In essence, what has been said far about the principles of text organisation applies to adult second language speakers much in the same way as for native speakers.

Confronted with a communicative task as telling a narrative, giving route directions or describing a picture, the L2 speaker must solve the same conceptual task in terms of selecting the relevant parts of her knowledge base, structuring, and linearising a complex body of information.

The constructive function of the QUAESTIO and the constraints implied for the production of the answer text can be taken as pragmatic knowledge which an adult speaker of any language has at her disposal and which is not tied to specific linguistic means.

Differences between the two groups of speakers, however, arise when it comes to the linguistic devices available to the speaker. Here the L2 speaker can be far more restricted and she can even be forced to adjust her communicative intentions to her linguistic repertoire.

As the worst consequence this might result in the fact that in a conversation a question posed by the interlocutor cannot be answered at all.

In the given context we want to look at the relation between linguistic competence and complex text production for learners with very limited command of a second language.

How is it possible that these learners are able to communicate information about complex states of affairs in the form of narratives or descriptions?

More specifically, what is the role of the quaestio and its implications in the text production of L2 speakers and how is the selection of specific expressive devices guided by the structural properties of the texts?

In order to identify the function of the QUAESTIO constraints in text production we will look at learner texts of two different types: narratives and descriptions.

The data are selected from a larger corpus elicited from Turkish migrant workers in Germany. They had been living in Germany for several years and had acquired German without the support of classroom teaching.

The texts were recorded within the frame of an unguided conversation between the informant, a German interlocutor and in some cases also a Turkish bilingual student cf.

Stutterheim They are produced as answers to an information question rather than to entertain a hearer. In the analysis below we will first sketch the constraints set up by the quaestio for the different domains involved.

Then the text will be analysed with respect to the patterns of referential movement and the relation between explicit and implicit information components.

You are new one week 25 kann ich nicht I cannot 26 keine urlaub 25 no holiday 27 krankgeschrieben geht nicht sick leave not possible 28 und ich and I 29 naja gibse mir meine papiere alle alle okay give me my papers all all 30 und ich gehen kindergarten and I go nursery 31 und 2 tage das ist windpocken and 2 days this is chicken pocks The introductory question of the interlocutor points at a general problem: What happens when your child falls ill?

The speaker gives a brief general answer and then turns to narrating a personal experience to illustrate the situation The shift from a general statement to a narration becomes apparent through the introduction of a specific temporal interval by erstemal at first.

The constraints which can be taken as a scaffold for the construction of the text affect the following domains. The speaker and her child function as topic elements, a specific time interval is introduced although not referentially fixed as the beginning of a sequence of temporally linked intervals, the predicate domain has to be filled by references to events, the validity status of main structure utterances is factual.

Utterances which form the structural backbone of the text will obey these constraints. Let us now look in detail at the construction of the text and the means used to convey the complex information structure.

The speaker begins with a scene setting passage in which she specifies that part of the question which refers to working conditions.

By the temporal adverbial erstemal at first she establishes a particular time interval which serves the function to delimit the proposition as individually located in time from the preceding hypothetical propositions.

Reference to the working place and the durative predicate arbeiten to work leads to a static interpretation.

Utterance 11 in itself is not clear as to its function within the narrative. However, followed by the temporal adverbial letztes Tage last day in 12 its function becomes apparent.

It serves as a temporal reference anchoring the beginning of the event chain. Given the telic predicate anrufen in combination with a specific time reference the utterance will be interpreted as referring to a singular event.

The event line is continued implicitly by an event of direct speech, furtheron in 21 and It is taken up in by a not explicitly introduced sequence of direct speech, continued in 28 and finally in 30 and The type of semantic relation between main and side structure varies and although there is no explicit information as to how a side structure utterance has to be integrated e.

Let us take 13 as an example. Since there is no evidence for integrating this utterance into the chain of the events, e. As has been described in several studies on narratives e.

Labov , Quasthoff direct speech is a frequent phenomenon in standard language, too. This function might also be involved for the L2-speaker, it seems to be more important, however, that a direct quotation reduces structural complexity at utterance level.

The perspective of the quoted person does not have to be anchored explicitly, all deictic parameters are fixed within a field of secondary deixis, as soon as the frame of quotation is established.

With respect to the global structure of the narrative text the passages of direct speech are implicitly integrated. Although the situations referred to in the quotes cannot be located within the chain of events it is the act of speaking which is part of the story line.

Which devices does the speaker use to convey the information structure? As can be seen in the text, the speaker has acquired very little verbal and nominal morphology, formally inflected forms such as geht goes or kann can do not contrast with other inflected forms of the same verbs and therefore have to be analysed as rote forms and not as finite verbs.

The function of finiteness, lying in the modal and temporal anchoring of a propositional content, is taken over by the global frame values and lexical references.

Conjunctions and other function words are absent in the text. The linguistic system the speaker has at her disposal consists of a lexicon of content words with a few exceiptions and word order as grammatical device.

The speaker follows a strategy which allows him to convey macrostructural properties of the underlying information structure: Utterances are refrentially complete to varying degrees.

This is to say, even where the subject or the predicate could be inferred from the context the elements might be expressed for structural reasons.

In general we can say that main structure utterances are more explicit containing subject and predicate 14, 21, 22, 30 , whereas side structure utterances can be more reduced e.

This opposition between more or less reduced utterances with respect to the grammatically obligatory elements subject and predicate can also be observed in standard language texts cf.

The elliptic or reduced forms serve to signal dependency either of side structure material or within an hierarchically organised event structure.

The sequence of utterances produced by the speaker can be interpreted as narrative although central linguistic devices for conveying coherence relations are absent.

This is possible because of the scaffolding function of the globally established QUAESTIO parameters and because of the controlled integration of relevant presupposed knowledge.

Indepth analysis of a larger corpus cf. Stutterheim showed that this expression is used to serve different functions. Mostly it can be found in relation to a focussed element, highlighting a specific piece of information.

Temporal reference is not specified. It is, however, clear that the events are located on the time axis before speech time.

Linearisation of main structure events follows a temporal criterion. The validity status of main structure utterances is factual, the predicates have to be of the event-type two state-predicates or bounded states.

In addition, a knowledge frame is activated which encompasses working conditions, in particular at hospitals. As we can see in the data, the speaker bases the construction of her discourse on the basis that the aspects of the information structure mentioned above are part of common knowledge between speaker and hearer.

This information builds a contrast to the introductory statement of the notice explicitly marked by aber but , motivating the following story.

Here, again the rhetorical device of direct quotation allows the speaker to present causally interrelated facts and opinions, which otherwise would have to be expressed by subordination and unambiguous referential devices.

When we look at the relation between explicit and implicit pieces of information we get the following picture. The speaker produces sequences of lexical items with hardly any explicit syntactic marking.

At utterance level, the information which is carried by the finiteness of the predicate in the target language has to be inferred on the basis of the global frame.

As regards the text level, there are different sources the hearer can draw upon for the interpretation of inter-utterance relations.

First there is an explicit device which is systematically used to mark main structure utterances. The temporal anaphor dann then can be found consistently in utterance initial position, reflecting the structuring function of the temporal linearisation principle.

They have to be infered on the basis of the semantics of the lexical items used and general and specific knowledge about the situation presented in the text.

Bringing together what we have found in the two narratives the following conclusions can be drawn. Both speakers follow basically the same strategy.

They present their narrative strictly within the frame of the global structure established by the quaestio.

Events are organised in chronological order and are marked as temporally bounded, specific events by means of lexical forms e.

On this basis, the interlocutor is able to reconstruct a story line, no matter how detailled the information about the single events actually is.

In text 1 very little information is in fact presented in terms of event units, and still 29 the hearer gets enough material to develop a picture of a rather dramatic episode in the live of the speaker.

What becomes clear from the two texts is, that the L2-speaker who has very limited linguistic competence relies on her pragmatic knowledge about how to organise a narrative.

And it is this knowledge which lies behind the choice of explicitly presented versus implicitly attached content material.

We will now see whether a different text type allows for the same strategy and thereby the same communicative success. Stutterheim , v.

The two texts chosen for illustration belong to the type description of activities. They both describe working conditions.

It is asked for the specification of activities which have to be understood as habitual events. The presentation of a sequence of activities will preferably follow a temporal linearisation principle, which is, however, not necessarily required.

The speaker might, for instance, choose an overall organisation which follows a spatial criterion in that he specifies activities at different places.

The distinction between main and side structure is also less clearcut than in narratives. Main structures can encompass different predicate types activities and states , only specific referential anchoring can be taken as an indicator for side structure utterances.

Compared to the text type narrative descriptive texts are less constrained, in other words, the production of a descriptive text calls for more structuring work on the side of the speaker.

We will now see, whether this difference is reflected in the L2 data. It follows the passage discussed above text 2. In the following description she fills this frame with information about her daily routines at the hospital.

These parts of the information structure do not have to be made explicit, they will be taken to hold as long as the speaker does not explicitly say otherwise.

Let us now see how the speaker operates within these constraints. The description involves different levels of granularity.

At the top level there is the interaction between the nurse and the informant refered to repeatedly in the course of the text , , 25, The level below is constituted by the activities the informant has to carry out according to the nurse's directions , A third level can be distinguished at which detailled information about the specific activities is provided 23, As the survey already shows, the speaker does not follow a consistent principle in organising the global structure.

Rather, the text consists of smaller segments, some of which are presented repeatedly. This phenomenon points to the fact that the description of the working situation is a difficult task for the speaker, which she tries to solve by repeating central information.

When we now look at the relation between explicit and implicit parts of the information structure we get the following picture.

Temporal and spatial location as well as the modal value are taken as shared knowledge and are not refered to throughout the whole text.

Still, the difference between referentielly more explicit or less explicit forms is used to provide structural information.

Those parts of the information structure which form something like the backbone of the description level 1 and 2, see above are presented by complex constructions 05, 10, 11, 19, 22, They contain a subject and a predicate; more importantly, they are linked by explicit devices.

The speaker uses the anaphoric form dann then and the idiosyncratic focussing particle das is this is. Here it is important to note that the adverb "then" has no temporal function.

It does not serve the function of establishing a temporal shift-in-time-relation, rather it links the propositional content in an additive fashion.

This interpretation results from the globally valid constraints introduced by the QUAESTIO and it is only on this basis that we can explain the difference in interpretation between narrative and descriptive texts with respect to the same linguistic devices.

Coming back to the relation between explicit and implicit parts of the information structure, we find that information which can be located at a level of higher granularity is presented in formally reduced utterances.

Those passages in the text which serve the function to specify the activities carried out by the speaker e.

For these utterances, an interpretation can only be given on the basis of the scaffolding function of the frame parameters. And still, some of the utterances cannot be interpreted at all.

Since there is no consistent ordering principle which allows for the sequential integration of the information 32 given into an overall meaning structure, there are utterances for which the relational embedding remains unclear.

Let us conclude the analysis of the first descriptive text by a summary of the major points. Just as in the case of the narrative, the speaker uses the scaffolding strength of the quaestio constraints extensively.

Topic elements remain implicit, on this basis the speaker draws upon a strategy which uses the relation between complex and reduced forms to signal structural properties of the underlying information.

There is no question, that the descriptive text is more difficult to understand than the narrative, some passages remain totally unclear.

This seems to be due to the fact, that the structuring potential of the quaestio is weaker in the case of descriptions.

Therefore the L2 speaker has less to lean on, he would have to be more explicit especially about inter-propositional relations and this is something his language competence does not allow for.

Still, his level of language command is very basic. Like the other two informants he has not acquired grammatical morphology, the only syntactic device found in his language variety is word order.

The text seleted as example is taken from a conversation on the informant's working conditions. Expanded by the already given contextual frame this could be paraphrased as: What is your work like at the forestry department?

This implies basically the same global constraints which were formulated for the first description. All of these parameters are topic elements of the information structure, which means that they do not have to be expressed.

The focus information to be specified has to be given in the predicate domain as habitual activities. With respect to the linearisation criterion there is no constraint established by the quaestio and the subject matter to be described does not suggest itself an apparent linearisation principle.

As regards the amount of shared knowledge, very little can be taken as 'silent contribution' to the information structure to be communicated.

Most people do not have detailled knwoledge about the working situation of a forestry worker.

So the task of the informant is more difficult than in all other cases discussed so far. How does he solve it? The text contains a number of informational units, which refer to different aspects of the working situation: in most part of the text, the speaker outlines the paying conditions, which implies a description of temporal aspects of his activities.

In some instances the speaker talks rather detailled about the type of work he has to carry out. We get a number of repetitions distributed across the text.

With respect to the global structure it remains unclear which principle the speaker follows in organising his description.

Rather, the text appears as a collection of different pieces of information held together by the general frame parameters. If we now look at the relation between explicit and implicit parts of information we find the same picture as in the first description.

Temporal and spatial reference remain unexpressed, the validity status 'factual' has to be infered on the basis of the global constraints.

Reference to the speaker as agent is expressed in two utterances 13, 22 , in some of the other utterances it remains unclear what the subject of the construction could be e.

There is no consistent organising principle which would guide the interlocutor in his interpretation of the specific relations holding between the pieces of information provided by the utterances.

The speaker combines elements of the dynamic type process description with elements of the static type 'object description' without explicit marking of the internal relationship.

The global constraints do not reach far enough to provide the background for the necessary processes of inferencing.

On the other hand, the linguistic competence of the speaker is too limited to verbalise the necessary relational concepts.

The first is that communication of complex textual structures can be achieved on the basis of very elementary linguistic means.

The second empirical result concerns a difference between the text types investigated. Descriptive texts are more difficult to understand than narrratives.

Both aspects will be addressed in turn. Buy 10! Mein Lieblingsteam ist put your favourite team in here. Ich mag es auch, meine Freunde mit nach Hause zu nehmen, um die Spiele zusammen zu schauen.

Dann essen wir immer Unmengen an Popcorn und trinken literweise Limonade, die wir vor Beginn des Spiels zusammen selbst machen.

An meinem letzten Geburtstag haben mir meine Eltern sogar erlaubt, ein Paar Freunde mit ins Stadium zu nehmen.

Ich glaube, wir waren die lauteste Gruppe, die unsere Mannschaft angefeuert hat. Endnotes Research Paper!

My favourite teams are. Normally I watch the matches on tv but sometimes is my father taking me to the stadium as a special treat.

I also save all my pocket money for tickets and for football memorabilia. I like to research papers heart failure , bring some friends home, too, so that we can watch the good beginnings games together.

Then we are always eating tons of popcorn and litres of lemonade that we make ourselves before the game starts. For my last birthday, my parents even allowed me to take some friends to the stadium with us.

On Congestive Heart! That was real fun and essay , we ate hotdogs. I think we were the using loudest group to cheer for our team.

Sometimes I play football myself. But I don't want to be in a club because it would take away too much of my spare time. When we are visiting my aunt and my uncle in beginnings , the holidays I always play football with my cousins.

In the next summer holidays, I would like to try windsurfing when we go to California. I love the beach as well and the feeling of the wind and the sun on my skin so that I think that would be the perfect hobby for gcse , me, too.

The verbs are at the bottom of the article! Choose the good essay beginnings topic you have to research heart , write about at school at the moment.

Example 2 - Hanging out persuasive essay beginnings , with Friends. Ich habe keine speziellen Hobbies. Wenn ich allein bin, spiele ich Computerspiele, sehe fern oder lade meine eigenen Videos auf Youtube hoch.

Essay Introductions! Sie schlagen vor, dass ich ein Musikinstrument lernen soll, so wie meine Schwester.

Ich will lieber flexibel mit meiner Zeit sein, so dass ich spontan was Cooles mit meinen Freunden machen kann.

Gestern, als wir aus der Schule kamen, haben wir beschlossen, schwimmen zu gehen, und haben es einfach gemacht.

Das war super. I don't have any special hobbies. I think I just like doing what all young people like. Thesis Using! I like going to essay beginnings , the movies, hanging out in the park, playing cards sometimes and story gcse , chatting a lot about music, people and so on.

When I am on my own I play computer games, watch tv, or upload my own YouTube videos. I guess my computer skills are not so bad.

Good Persuasive Beginnings! But I always get in trouble with my parents because they don't want me to be in coursework , front of the computer or tv when I am at home.

They suggest I should learn to play an instrument like my sister does. She is playing the piano and essay , I think that is introductions , enough for the whole family.

Good Beginnings! I'd rather do other things where I don't have to go somewhere regularly. I want to short , be flexible with my time so that I can spontaneously join in some fun with my friends.

Yesterday we decided to endnotes on a research paper , go swimming when we came out of school and persuasive , just went. That was great.

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I tested a lot of persuasive essay beginnings apps to thesis data , learn languages and persuasive , use some of them regularly now to brush up my Spanish.

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I hope my hub is useful for you and if you like it please leave a comment. Come back for more! Filipino Words and Expressions of Love.

Its fantastisch i finished my german homework. Thank you. Endnotes Paper! I am glad I could help! This is exactly what I've been looking for!

It's concise and simple and the vocabulary list and persuasive , translation guides me wonderfully.

Please continue to page , write similar pieces for other topics e. Hi Jan, interesting topics you have got there.

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